J Street's Gaza Policy Recommendations

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Policy Recommendations 

• Prioritize completing all three phases of the hostage deal.
• Surge humanitarian assistance into Gaza.
• Establish a viable security alternative to Hamas inside Gaza.
• Establish an alternative governance structure to Hamas.
• Support a major reconstruction effort for Gaza.
• Transition to a unified Gaza and West Bank.

The most immediate and important priority that the US faces in regards to the Israeli-Palestinian conflict is ending the war in Gaza and pursuing a post-conflict plan that breaks the perpetual cycle of fighting and suffering on all sides. Key US objectives for our Gaza policy should include two immediate and readily-achievable goals: 1) Keeping Israel secure and obtaining the release of all the hostages; and 2) Ending the suffering of civilians in Gaza. They should also include two longer-term objectives that will be much more challenging to achieve: 1) Removing Hamas from power in Gaza; and 2) Setting the conditions, over time, for a Palestinian state through the reunification of Gaza and the West Bank. J Street adamantly opposes President Trump’s proposal to displace two million Palestinians from Gaza and move them to other countries while rebuilding the territory. Forced displacement of an ethnic group from a given area amounts to ethnic cleansing, is morally reprehensible, and would transform Israel into a global pariah. It would also fail to achieve the objectives outlined above. While it is true that living conditions in Gaza are currently horrific, Trump’s plan ignores the long history that displacement plays in the conflict and the trauma it has caused for Palestinians. There is simply not a scenario in which Palestinians, the Arab states, or the rest of the world acquiesce to this plan. Instead, J Street recommends a plan that focuses on: ending the war and getting the hostages out; surging humanitarian assistance, economic recovery, and reconstruction aid; establishing security on the ground initially through an Arab-led international force, supported by the Palestinian Authority, and eventually handed off to the Palestinians; building a transitional governing mechanism in Gaza with a role for the Palestinian Authority; and eventually transitioning to a reunification of Gaza and the West Bank under one authority. These elements have been central to plans proposed both by the Arab League and by the Biden Administration, which we believe can be the basis for the start of a governance, security, and reconstruction plan that must ultimately be agreed to by Israel, Hamas, and the many other parties who would be involved in rebuilding Gaza. Importantly, this plan cannot succeed if the situation in the West Bank continues to simultaneously deteriorate or if the Israeli government moves to annex territory – fundamentally undermining alternative governance options for Palestinians. A separate J Street policy memo will address the issues of the West Bank more comprehensively.

Prioritize completing all three phases of the hostage deal, getting the hostages out, and ending the war.

The most important and immediate objective of US policy should be to continue to support a ceasefire agreement that brings the hostages home, surges aid to Gaza, and ends the war. In an ideal world, this agreement would also lead to an arrangement on post-conflict governance in Gaza, but if the parties cannot agree on that, the priority must be placed on sustaining the current deal to get all the hostages out and end the war. Israel’s interests are not served by restarting the war. It has already set Hamas back enough to ensure another October 7th attack is not possible in the foreseeable future. Retrieving hostages through military operations has proved much less effective than through diplomacy, and in a number of cases hostages have been killed as a result of the fighting. Renewed fighting would generate new rounds of misery for Palestinian civilians causing both civilian casualties and less access to humanitarian aid. It would also continue to put pressure on the Israeli economy and society that is looking to heal, and lead to further isolation of Israel internationally. The only way to displace Hamas in Gaza is by starting to build an alternative – not by restarting the war.

Surge humanitarian assistance and begin early recovery.

The United States has been the leading provider of humanitarian assistance into Gaza, thus far contributing $1.2 billion in assistance. It must continue to lead the global humanitarian response, working closely with international relief organizations and the United Nations to deliver food, water, medicine, shelter, and provide other immediate humanitarian needs. The United States must never support Israeli cutoffs of aid to Gaza being used as a pressure tool in negotiations. This action is in direct violation of international humanitarian law and serves as collective punishment for the more than 2 million Palestinians living in Gaza. Instead, the United States should press Israel to ensure all crossings are open and operating at full capacity while improving the efficiency of aid routes. Part of this effort includes pressing the Israeli government to show necessary flexibility and cut through red tape. Alongside sufficient humanitarian aid, the US should also press Israel to permit entry of commercial goods to stabilize prices, reduce dependency on aid, and revitalize the economy. With the end of hostilities, an emphasis should also shift to removal of rubble and unexploded ordnance, and prioritization of investments in early recovery programs. Importantly, none of this is possible if the Trump Administration moves ahead with its plans to shutter USAID and cut off most foreign assistance – actions that J Street firmly opposes. Moreover, the United States must also encourage international donors – especially the Gulf states – to make significant financial contributions to humanitarian efforts and early recovery.

Establish an alternative governance structure to Hamas through a transitional council or technocratic government with a central role for the Palestinian Authority.

In addition to an alternative security structure, there will also need to be an alternative governing entity to Hamas. Such an entity should start with the numerous municipalities and ministries (e.g. ministry of health, water, power, etc.) that functioned in Gaza prior to the war. Most of these local governing mechanisms are run by technocrats and professionals unaffiliated with a political party. On top of these existing local entities, there needs to be a transitional council or technocratic government that would provide political leadership and help administer recovery and reconstruction. This entity should be agreed upon by all the key Palestinian factions through negotiations that can be hosted by Egypt. For the Palestinian Authority to play a central role in taking over eventual security responsibility for Gaza, it would insist on also having a political role in this entity, but would not take on full governing responsibility. Hamas would need to acquiesce to this governing entity though it could have no formal role in it.